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The Hanji 漢紀 "Annals of the Han dynasty", later called Qianhanji 前漢紀 "Annals of the Former Han Dynasty", is a history of the Former Han period 前漢 (206 BCE-8 CE) in a chronological style (biannianti 編年體), in 30 juan "scrolls". It was written by the Later Han period 後漢 (25-220 CE) official Xun Yue 荀悅 who is known for his book Shenjian 申鑒 "Mirror of pleadings", in which he tried to demonstrate how a strong government would work in a time when the empire suffered of an increasing decentralisation. In 198 CE Emperor Xiandi 漢獻帝 (r. 189-220) ordered Xun Yue compiling a new history of the Former Han period because he was not content with the irritatingly dispersed style of Ban Gu's 班固 history of the Former Han, the Hanshu 漢書 (a book later to become the official dynastic history of that period), which was written in a biographic-thematic style (jizhuanti 紀傳體). He was rather to use an annalistic style as it was common in the Confucian classic Chunqiu 春秋 "Spring and Autumn Annals". The book begins with the ascension of Liu Bang 劉邦 (Han Gaozu 漢高祖, r. 206-195 BCE) to the throne, as first emperor of the dynasty, and ends with the dead of the usurper Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 8-22 CE).
Xun Yue did not write a totally new book but he simply abbreviated the text of the Hanshu and arranged the differents parts of the biographies in a chronological style. But he also added documents and information not found in the Hanshu.
The greatest merit of Xun Yue is that he continued using the annalistic style and defended it as an excellent alternative to the biographic-thematic style that was to become one of the most important styles of historiography in traditional China. Xun Yue furthermore added his own thoughts about mistakes in government at the end of paragraphs or chapters. These comments served to provide the imperial reader with a reflection about good or bad government.
The commonly cited version is that of the collectaneum Sibu congkan 四部叢刊.
Source: Wu Shuping 吳樹平 (1992). "Hanji 漢紀", in: Zhongguo da baike quanshu 中國大百科全書, Zhongguo lishi 中國歷史, vol. 1, pp. 346 f. Beijing/Shanghai: Zhongguo da baike quanshu chubanshe.
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1.-4. 前漢高祖皇帝紀 Emperor Han Gaozu (r. 206/202-195)
5. 前漢孝惠皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Huidi (r. 195-188)
6. 前漢高后紀卷 Empress Lü (Gaohou) (r. 187-180)
7.-8. 前漢孝文皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Wendi (r. 180-157)
9. 前漢孝景皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Jingdi (r. 157-141)
10.-15. 前漢孝武皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Wudi (r. 141-87)
16. 前漢孝昭皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Zhaodi (r. 87-74)
17.-20. 前漢孝宣皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Xuandi (r. 74-49)
21.-23. 前漢孝元皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Yuandi (r. 49-33)
24.-27. 前漢孝成皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Chengdi (r. 33-7)
28.-29. 前漢孝哀皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Aidi (r. 7-1)
30. 前漢孝平皇帝紀 Emperor Han (Xiao-)Pingdi (r. 1 BCE-5 CE)
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Exemplarious translation:
The following example is such a discussion (lun 論) about reestablishing the former system of independant feudal states during and after the destruction of the Qin dynasty 秦 (221-206 BCE). While during the war against Qin, it was necessary to gain allies against the mighty Qin government, there was no need for such formal alliances during the war between Xiang Yu 項羽 and the future emperor of Han, Liu Bang 劉邦.
2前漢高祖皇帝紀卷第二
[...]
荀悅曰：「夫立策決勝之術，其要有三：一曰形，二曰勢，三曰情。形者，言其大體得失之數也。勢者，言其臨時之宜也，進退之機也。情者，言其心志可否之意也。故策同事等而功殊者何？三術不同也。初，張耳、陳餘說陳涉以復六國，自為樹黨。酈生亦說漢王，所以說者同，而得失異者。陳涉之起也，天下皆欲亡秦。而楚漢之分，未有所定。時，天下未必欲亡項也。且項羽率從六國，攻滅強秦之時，勢則不能矣。故立六國於陳涉，所謂多己之黨而益秦之敵也。且陳涉未能專天下之地也。所謂取非其有以與人，行虛惠而獲實福也。立六國于漢王，所謂割己之有以資敵，設虛名而受實禍也，此同事而異形也。及宋義待秦趙之斃，與昔卞莊刺虎同說者也。施之戰國之時，鄰國相攻，無臨時之急則可也。戰國之立，其日久矣。一戰勝敗，未必以存亡也。其勢非能急於亡敵國也，進乘利，退自保，故累力待時，乘敵之斃，其勢然也。今楚趙所起，其與秦勢不並立，安危之機，呼吸成變。進則成功，退則受禍，此同事而異勢者也。伐趙之役，韓信軍于泜水之上，而趙不能敗。彭城之難，漢王戰于濉水之上，士卒皆赴入濉水，而楚兵大勝，何則？趙兵出國迎戰，見可而進，知難而退。懷內顧之心，無必死之計。韓信軍孤在水上，士卒必死，無有二心，此信之所以勝也。漢王深入敵國，飲酒高會，士卒逸豫，戰心不固。楚以強大之威，而喪其國都。項羽自外而入，士卒皆有憤激之氣，救敗赴亡之急，以決一旦之命，此漢之所以敗也。且韓信選精兵以守，而趙以內顧之士攻之。項羽選精兵以攻，而漢以怠惰之卒應之，此同事而異情者也。故曰：『權不可預設，變不可先圖。與時遷移，應物變化。』設策之機也。」陳平進謀曰：「項王大臣不過數人，大王能捐數萬斤金，間楚君臣，使相疑惑，可以破楚必矣。」乃與陳平金四萬斤，不問出入，平多行反間。謂項羽曰：「諸將功多矣，而終不得裂地而王。欲與漢為一，以滅楚，分王其地。」項王疑之。
Translated by.
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Chinese literature according to the four-category system
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